JUNGLE GATE VOLUME III IS HERE!
Feedback and I take another dive into the fetid, malarial waters of the jungle as we accept the challenge posed by The Green Inferno and actually have some conversations about challenging topics like Eli Roth says the film is intended to provoke – indigenous people, racial identity, the Western propaganda model, freedom of expression, genocide, my own struggles with racial identity, respect for cinema as a medium that influences our cultures, native uprisings, dick pics and more.
This podcast contains alternative perspectives which may be disturbing to Nipple Dippers and Status Quo Warriors. Free thinking contained within! Listener discretion is advised.
Links for further exploration:
It’s an emergency, unofficial, special edition of Cinephobia Radio.
Dave Pace (from the now defunct genre media blog La Psychotronique Politique) joins me for a bumpy ride through the wilderness of mirrors and river of tears that is JUNGLE GATE, the weird and wacky marketing campaign for Eli Roth’s, ‘anti-SJW’ cannibal epic, The Green Inferno.
Slooshy well my little Flesh Eaters…
For many modern free-speech advocates, the First Amendment is irrelevant: their main target is not repressive laws but shifting norms and values. In “End of Discussion,” Ham and Benson argue that the real problem is the politicization of everyday life. “Grievance mongering, apology demanding, and scalp collecting are modeled at the national level by ruthless professionals,” they write, “then replicated straight on down the line.” In their view, the effect of all this complaining is “an insidious strain of self-censorship” among regular folks. Ham and Benson have the requisite stories to tell, including a picturesque episode involving a Minnesota university that arranged to bring a camel to campus, as a stress-relief treatment, only to cancel the appearance after protests; one student explained online that “camels are associated with stereotypes that reinforce harmful Western (read: white) perceptions of Arab people.” What Ham and Benson want is to reënergize “the rich American tradition of a loud, raucous, messy, free speech free-for-all,” complete with camels and lecherous pop songs. It is this vision of how we should speak to one another—and not an abstract belief in the right to speak—that animates their book.
White people in North America live in a social environment that protects and in- sulates them from race-based stress. This insulated environment of racial protec- tion builds white expectations for racial comfort while at the same time lowering the ability to tolerate racial stress, leading to what I refer to as White Fragility. White Fragility is a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress be- comes intolerable, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation. These behav- iors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium. This paper explicates the dynamics of White Fragility.
The rise of neoliberalism in the United States depended on the containment of the political challenge of the Black Movement and other social justice movements: other movements of people of color, the Feminist Movement, and eventually the environmental and LGBTQ movements, as well.
Containment meant more than restricting the reach of demands for greater racial equality and for a vastly expanded democracy. It also meant resisting the demands of the 1960s movements for the redistribution of wealth and power. The threat that the Black Movement and its allies posed to the New Deal coalition was quite severe. It involved the prospect of a full-fledged social democratic system in the United States, serious commitments to full employment, substantial curtailment of U.S. imperial adventures, and recognition of race- and gender-based demands for full-scale social equality and inclusion.
Capital, the Republican Party, and the Right Wing of the Democratic Party all united against those demands. Colorblind politics were developed from about 1970 as the post-civil rights racial ideology of this new coalition, this new power-bloc. As colorblindness became hegemonic, this new racial ideology incubated and buttressed neoliberalism, as well.
Trying to unravel where all this anger comes from could occupy dozens of dissertations’ worth of interviews and research (I’m not sure if the relevant field would be anthropology or clinical psychology). But what this whole sorry summer comes down to is insecurity — profound insecurity — on the part of some male gamers reacting to their hobby of choice becoming more diverse and nuanced and, I dare say, emotionally intelligent.
Anyway, faced with this complete lack of clarity, all I or other journalists can do, then, is journalism: We ask the people in the movement what they stand for and then try to tease out what is real and what is PR. And every every every substantive conversation/forum/encounter I’ve had with folks from GamerGate has led me to believe that a large part of the reason for the group’s existence is discomfort with what its members see as the creeping and increasing influence of what you call social-justice warriors in the gaming world.
I’m not just making this up based on the occasional Tweet or forum post. After my HuffPost Live appearance, I was invited into a Google Hangout about GamerGate by Troy Rubert, aka @GhostLev. I accepted, and when I got in just about everyone who spoke openly talked about how mad they were that progressive politics and feminism were impinging on gaming, which they saw as an area they had enjoyed, free of politics, forever. They were extremely open about this. A day or so later, another GamerGater, @Smilomaniac, asked me to read a blog post he’d written about his involvement in the movement in which he explicitly IDs as anti-feminist, and says that while some people claim otherwise, he thinks GG is an anti-feminist movement.
It’s hard to think of voting as a harassment vector because it seems more like a tool for making decisions, not an opportunity to be hateful. In a system where votes determine a post’s ability to command future attention, they serve to manifest and police a community’s discursive norms. But entire communities can be harassers; indeed entire nation-states have been unified by categorical discrimination, promulgating norms grounded in defining others as unclean, dangerous, or otherwise marginal.
Categorization and quantification are prerequisite for structural persecution. It is impossible to vilify a group of people if you lack a schema to define them. Michel Foucault, in The Order of Things, observed that there are only “two types of comparison: the one analyzes into units in order to establish relations of equality and inequality; the other establishes elements, the simplest that can be found, and arranges differences according to the smallest possible degrees.” The first type is measuring: finding discrete, abstract quantities that can be added up: I need two cups of flour; you are in a low tax bracket; he has the most karma points. Type two is more akin to tagging and categorizing: One might create a Pinterest board of terrariums, tag a Tumblr post as #NSFW, or wait to post your yak when you get back to campus so that the right people see it.
grant “authorized reporters” or “trusted aggers” special privileges to identify and report inappropriate content on behalf of others.
In November 2014, Twitter granted Women, Action, and the Media (WAM!) this authorized reporter status. From November 6–26 2014, WAM! took in reports of Twitter-based harassment, assessed them, and escalated reports as necessary to Twitter for special attention. WAM! used a special intake form to collect data and promised publicly to publish what it learned from the data it collected. In three weeks, WAM! reviewers assessed 811 incoming reports of harassment and escalated 161 reports to Twitter, ultimately seeing
Twitter carry out 70 account suspensions, 18 warnings, and one deleted account. This document presents ndings from this three-week project; it draws on both quantitative and qualitative methods.
Findings focus on the people reporting and receiving harassment, the kinds of harassment that were reported, Twitter’s response to harassment reports, the process of reviewing harassment reports, and challenges for harassment reporting processes.
The purpose of the residential schools was to eliminate all aspects of Aboriginal culture. Students had their hair cut short, they were dressed in uniforms, and their days were strictly regimented by timetables. Boys and girls were kept separate, and even siblings rarely interacted, further weakening family ties.2 Chief Bobby Joseph of the Indian Residential School Survivors Society recalls that he had no idea how to interact with girls and never even got to know his own sister “beyond a mere wave in the dining room.”3 In addition, students were strictly forbidden to speak their languages—even though many children knew no other—or to practise Aboriginal customs or traditions. Violations of these rules were severely punished.
There are an estimated 370 million Indigenous peoples worldwide, living in 70 different countries, according to the United Nations (U.N.) Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Despite vast diversity among Indigenous groups around the world, Indigenous populations share similar experiences and struggles. Settler states and governments typically represent settler society, which is often more populous and powerful than the Indigenous inhabitants of the country. In this situation, Indigenous populations have become socio-economically disadvantaged and vulnerable to discriminatory state policy and even to outright armed repression. A major thrust of much colonial and state policy has been the attempt to assimilate Indigenous groups both by force of arms and through more subtle pressures to conform to the dominant society. Some assimilation policies, such as child apprehension, have taken similar forms across the globe. In Canada during the Sixties Scoop, Indigenous children were removed from their homes and handed over to non-Indigenous families; in Australia the targets of a similar policy are known as the Stolen Generation. In many countries, governments ran programs of indoctrination under the guise of education (the residential school system in Canada, and the industrial schools of the United States, for example).
The number of missing and murdered Aboriginal women and girls in Canada is disproportionately high. NWAC’s research indicates that, between 2000 and 2008, Aboriginal women and girls represented approximately 10% of all female homicides in Canada. However, Aboriginal women make up only 3% of the female population.
Indigenous women and girls in Canada are roughly 7 times more likely to be targeted by serial predators. This is according to an article in the published this week in the Globe and Mail.
Based on the Globe’s own database of both convictions and ongoing police investigations, journalists Kathryn Blaze Baum and Matthew McClearn identified 18 confirmed cases where men responsible for multiple murders – “serial killers” – were convicted of the murders of Indigenous women and girls. By also including unresolved cases where a serial killer is suspected, the number rises to 77.
The most immediate was the commitment to launch an inquiry into murdered and missing indigenous women that will aim to address the root causes, societal factors, government failings, and general circumstances that have contributed to, as Trudeau phrased it on Tuesday morning, that “national tragedy” of violence against indigenous women.
The suicide rate of American Indians is higher than it is for any other ethnic group in the United States and Canada. The teen suicide rate is astronomically higher for Indians than for any other ethnic group in the U.S. or Canada. One reason is the desperate poverty in most American Indian communities. It is hard to convince yourself you can succeed when there is a lack of opportunity and upward mobility. Another reason is rampant substance abuse, which breeds domestic violence and child abuse, which leads to the last reason for the high rate of suicide and the lack of value for life among so many Indian youth. They have been made to hate who they are.
Weise is suspected to have written on a neo-Nazi message board about his obsession with Nazis and Adolph Hitler, using the names “NativeNazi” and “Todesengel.” In a July 19, 2004 post, he reportedly wrote that both his parents were Native American, “though from what I understand I also have a little German, a little Irish, and a little French Canadian in my blood as well.” But he grew up on an Indian reservation with an Indian population of more than 5,000 and with only 91 non-Indians. Even if it is true that he had some degree of blood from other ethnicities, he was Indian. Weise appears to have been a very confused young man, struggling with his identity.
Archived link to a Stormfront forum on using Reddit to spread White Power messaging to the masses. Going back to 2010. In 2015, Reddit is now considered the biggest gathering place for white supremacists and the alternative right.
Let’s slap some sense into these people.
1.) Go to Reddit.com
2.) Look at the top right side of the screen. Register an account. This only takes a few seconds.
3.) Look at the bar that runs on the top of the screen. Click on “Politics.” That takes you to the Politics sub-reddit.
4.) Search for posts that concern us. Start with the most recent ones about White Nationalism. Here are the direct links:
White Nationalist Calls for Systematic Discourse Poisoning
Racists Discuss How To Gain Influence on Reddit
5.) There should be up and down arrows besides the original story and the comments in each thread.
6.) Click the down arrow on every annoying liberal, anti-White comment.
7.) Click the up arrow on every good comment. These are often buried below the threshold.
8.) Leave your own pro-White comments, participate in the discussions, post your own threads to the Politics and WhiteRights sub-reddits.
9.) Keep doing this until the anti-Whites on Reddit are forced to play by the rules.
10.) I spend thirty minutes to an hour every day doing this. It is a productive way to waste time.
11.) Spread the word on Facebook.
12.) Post about it on your own blog. Start threads about this on popular WN discussion groups.
To finish this round off, here’s a link to the full text of Noam Chomsky’s Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies. This is perhaps one of the most important works of the 20th century and critical for understanding our media landscape.